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RomSe
Analyzing the uses of the reflexive clitic SE in Romance.
For the (morpho-)syntactic realization of SE, see RomClitics. This page addresses problems at the syntax/semantics interface.
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The term SE encompasses 5 surface forms (1st or 2nd x sing or plur + 3rd sing/plur).
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same form for accusative and dative (sometimes impossible to resolve)
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SE (in all uses) is incompatible with the verb avoir (temporal auxiliary or main verb 'have').
Ex. Je lui ai dit, il m'a dit (I told her, he told me) but Je me suis dit, il s'est dit (I told myself, he told himself)
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Only accusative SE triggers past participle agreement.
Ex. Elles se sont rencontrées (They met (each other)) but Elles se sont parlé (They talked to each other)
This is not a special remark abour Portuguese, but a hint about a paper that addresses the exact issue of the present page from the perspective fo computational grammar (it's about Spanish, but its result can be extrapolated to a large extent to other languages):
Randy Sharp, 2005, A Unified Treatment of Spanish "se". In Branco, McEnery and Mitkov (eds) Anaphora Processing: Linguistic, Cogntive and Computational Modelling
i.e., reflexive/reciprocal SE
common properties
- realization of an accusative or dative complement
- receives the semantic role associated with that complement
- alternates with non-reflexive accusative or dative clitics/NPs/PPs
- alternates with strong reflexive pronouns
se laver (acc), se parler (dat)
examples and language specific properties, implemented or planned analysis
aka "inherent SE"
common properties
- lexically specified but assigned no semantic role (expletive)
- accusative (rarely dative?)
- does not alternate with non-reflexive complements (or change in word sense)
- does not alternate/co-occur with strong reflexive pronoun
se taire, se suicider
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Normative rule: SE triggers past participle agreement (i.e., analyzed as accusative) Les voix se sont tues/*tu. (The voices fell silent) currently enforced in the grammar (perhaps should apply strictly only for generation)
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But, the caused agent in the faire-causative is generally accusative, not dative (as expected when the embedded verb is transitive):
L'auteur fait se suicider (*à) son personnage (The author makes his character kill himself)
Possible cases of dative expletive SE: se dire se demander (sense shift: 'tell oneself --> think', 'ask oneself --> wonder')
common properties
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passive-like demotion of active subject and promotion of accusative complement
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impossibility of agentive by-phrase
se vendre
E.g., melt/break/sink alternations
- how productive?
- how regular?
- how to analyze...?
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